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Greece on the Breadline: Cashless Currency Takes Off

A determination to ‘move beyond anger to creativity’ is driving a strong barter economy in some places

In recent weeks, Theodoros Mavridis has bought fresh eggs, tsipourou (the local brandy: beware), fruit, olives, olive oil, jam, and soap. He has also had some legal advice, and enjoyed the services of an accountant to help fill in his tax return.


None of it has cost him a euro, because he had previously done a spot of electrical work – repairing a TV, sorting out a dodgy light – for some of the 800-odd members of a fast-growing exchange network in the port town of Volos, midway between Athens and Thessaloniki.

In return for his expert labour, Mavridis received a number of Local Alternative Units (known as tems in Greek) in his online network account. In return for the eggs, olive oil, tax advice and the rest, he transferred tems into other people’s accounts.

“It’s an easier, more direct way of exchanging goods and services,” said Bernhardt Koppold, a German-born homeopathist and acupuncturist in Volos who is an active member of the network. “It’s also a way of showing practical solidarity – of building relationships.”

He had just treated Maria McCarthy, an English teacher who has lived and worked in the town for 20 years. The consultation was her first tem transaction, and she used one of the vouchers available for people who haven’t yet, or can’t, set up an online account.

“I already exchange directly with a couple of families, mainly English teaching for babysitting, and this is a great way to extend that,” said McCarthy. “This is still young, but it’s growing very quickly. Plainly, the more you use it the more useful to you it gets.”

Tems has been up and running for barely 18 months, said Maria Choupis, one of its founder members. Prompted by ever more swingeing salary cuts and tax increases, she reckons there are now around 15 such networks active around Greece, and more planned. “They are as much social structures as economic ones,” she said. “They foster intimacy and mutual support.”

The network is currently busy transforming a disused building owned by Volos university into a permanent exchange and barter space. It will host a daily market from next month at which members can meet and exchange without using cash. Several highly successful open-air markets were held throughout last summer, Choupis said, until the weather got too cold.

“They’re quite joyous occasions,” she said. “It’s very liberating, not using money.” At one market, she said, she approached a woman who had come along with three large trays of homemade cakes and was selling them for a unit a cake. “I asked her: ‘Do you think that’s enough? After all, you had the cost of the ingredients, the electricity to cook …’

“She replied: ‘Wait until the market is over’, and at the end she had three different kinds of fruit, two one-litre bottles of olive oil, soaps, beans, a dozen eggs and a whole lot of yoghurt. ‘If I had bought all this at the supermarket,’ she said, ‘it would have cost me a great deal more than what it cost to make these cakes.’”

What rules the system has are designed to ensure the tems continue “to circulate, and work hard as a currency”, said Christos Pappionannou, a mechanical engineer who runs the network’s website using open-source software.

No one may hold more than 1,200 tems in the account “so people don’t start hoarding; once you reach the top limit you have to start using them.”

And no one may owe more than 300, so people “can’t get into debt, and have to start offering something”.

Businesses that are part of the network are allowed to do transactions partly in tems, and partly in euros; most offer a 50/50 part-exchange.

“We recognise that they have their fixed costs, they have to pay a rent and bills in euros,” said Pappionannou. “You could say that their ‘profit’ might be taken in Tems, to be reinvested in the network.”

Choupis said she thought the network would have grown even faster that it has if people were not so “frozen, in a state of fear. It’s like they’ve been hit over the head with a brick; they’re dizzy. And they’re cautious; they’re still thinking: ‘I need euros, how am I going to pay my bills?’ But as soon as people see how much they can do without money, they’re convinced.”

The Greek parliament recently passed a law encouraging “alternative forms of entrepreneurship and local development”, including exchange networks such as Volos’s, giving them official non-profit status for tax purposes.

Choupis said there was a new mood abroad in Greece, a determination to “move beyond anger to creativity”.

“You are not poor when you have no money,” she said, “you are poor when you have nothing to offer – except for the elderly and the sick, to whom we should all be offering.”

LAPD officers form a skirmish line at the corner of First and Main Streets at 5:00 a.m. and announce they will arrest the Occupy LA protesters who were spilling onto the streets near the  Occupy LA  camp at  Los Angeles City Hall five hours after the deadline to leave had passed.

Occupy Palm Beach Camp Shut Down; Four Protesters Arrested

West Palm Beach police arrested four Occupy Palm Beach protesters early Monday morning after city authorities told the activists to vacate the old City Hall last week.

Police spokesperson Allan Ortman said that officers showed up to City Hall around 5:30 a.m. so as not to obstruct rush hour traffic.


While most activists dispersed when officers arrived, four occupiers remained who had “handcuffed” themselves to an air conditioning unit with PVC piping, Ortman says.

Peter Olegovich, 47, was arrested for trespassing while Jacqueline Bryant, 37 of Port Lucie; John Pope, 46 of West Palm Beach; and Frazier Williams, 52, were arrested for trespassing, resisting arrest without violence, and criminal mischief.

Ortman said Williams is homeless and had an active warrant for failure to appear.

Alison Bannon, who works with Occupy Palm Beach, told HuffPost Miami that although Williams lacks housing, he has held the same job for the last ten years and recently had a death in his family.

“Unfortunately a lot of people at the camp are quite economically disadvantaged,” Bannon said, “and that is of course due to the absolute abysmal state that the economy has put us in.”

Around 20 activists had been camping at the old City Hall on Banyan Boulevard and North Olive Avenue since December 11, Palm Beach Post reports. It was their third encampment site since the movement organized in late October.

On Tuesday, West Palm Beach Mayor Jeri Muoio told the occupiers they had until Thursday to leaves the premises.

Saturday Occupy Palm Beach sent a letter to the mayor, asking for an alternative site for their “participatory democracy” and citing that they have only improved the environment at the old City Hall:

Due to our presence, the space around the old city hall is cleaner now than before our occupation. Drugs and Alcohol are strictly forbidden on the Occupy site, these rules are rigorously enforced. Our very presence helps improve safety in the downtown area. Our 24 by 7 security team is a deterrent to illegal activity in the area, functioning as a default neighborhood watch.

Bannon told HuffPost Miami that the four that were arrested were Occupy Palm Beach’s biggest activists. She said Bryant is a mother and full-time web developer and Pope owns his own business.

Olegovich was about to move into a new apartment but decided to stay with the Occupy Palm Beach encampment because he realized “there was a real passion for this cause in his heart,” according to Bannon.

Bannon added the protesters chained themselves to the structure to show that “we’re not just going to go away. It’s not going to be that easy to just sweep us under the rug.”


I have a Dream Speech, Read it to Some Friends Today

Dr. Martin Luthur King Jr. I have a Dream speech as delivered on August 28, 1963, at Washington D.C. (Lincoln Memorial)

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.


Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we have come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating “For Whites Only”. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with a new meaning, “My country, ’tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim’s pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.”

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!”


10 Years Too Many, National Day Of Action Against Guantanamo

Lead by Code Pink’s Leslie Harris, Occupy Dallas, Code Pink, members of The
Dallas Peace Center and others gathered at the Dallas Dart Railway station on
Mockingbird lane at 3 PM central time on January 12th for the tenth anniversary
of gitgo-081-300x225the first prisoners brought to Guantanamo Bay in Cuba. “A location
[Guantanamo Bay was] handpicked by the Bush administration so it could detain
and interrogate terror suspects far from the prying eyes of the law,” (The Nation magazine). Camp X-Ray was a
temporary detention facility a detention camp of Joint Task Force Guantanamo on
the U.S. Naval Base. The first twenty detainees arrived at Guantanamo on January 11, 2002.

The orange jump suits with each person hooded in black was a loud visual
statement of prisoners whose sense of sight and balance were stripped. Catching
the eyes of school children they ask what is happening as the ‘prisoners’ stand
waiting for the rail.


In rank and file the prisoners load onto the Dart Rail with signs stating: “NO
INDEFINITE DETENTION” and “TORTURE IS ILLEGAL” as flyers are past out which told
the story of “171 men still languish in prison at Guantanamo Bay.” Of this
number, 46 are in indefinite detention because the U.S. considers them dangerous
but have no evidence. Congressional restrictions have delayed release of
thirty-two, and fifty-seven have not even been charged but our government will
not release because their country is viewed as unstable.

The street theater prisoner held an eight foot black banner stating, “CLOSE
GUANTANAMO” in white letters as they walked through the streets of downtown
Dallas. Stopping to stand in front of the Federal Building they were met by
security informing them it was illegal to take their, [securities], pictures.

Moving on through town they past out fliers and reached their destination of a
memorial for Martin Luther King where they knelt with hands behind their back,
squatting on either side of a wall with the quote, “until justice rolls down
like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream” ~ Dr. Martin Luther King.

It is debated as to whether or not torture as a punishment falls under the cruel
and unusual punishment clause of the Eighth Amendment to

the United States Constitution. “Excessive bail shall not be required, nor
excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted ”

The US Supreme Court has held since at least the 1890s that punishments that
involved torture are forbidden under the Eighth Amendment.

Torture is illegal and punishable within U.S territorial bounds. Prosecution of
abuse occurring on foreign soil, outside of usual U.S. territorial jurisdiction,
is difficult.

Bill of Rights.

For an act to constitute “torture” it must satisfy each of the following five
elements in the definition of torture:[77]

(1) the act must cause severe physical or mental pain or suffering;

(2) the act must be intentionally inflicted;

(3) the act must be inflicted for a proscribed purpose;

(4) the act must be inflicted by (or at the instigation of or with the consent
or acquiescence of) a public official who has custody of the victim; and

(5) the act cannot arise from lawful sanctions.

Suspected terrorists who were subjected to wall standing, hooding, a constant
loud and hissing noise and who were deprived of sleep, food and drink subjected
to “inhuman and degrading treatment” but not to “torture.”

In October 2006, the United States enacted the Military Commissions Act of 2006,
authorizing the executive to conduct military tribunals of

so-called enemy combatants and to hold them indefinitely without judicial review
under the terms of habeas corpus. Testimony coerced

through humiliating or degrading treatment would be admissible in the tribunals.

Amnesty International and numerous commentators have criticized the Act for
approving a system that uses torture, destroying the mechanisms for judicial
review created by Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, and creating a parallel legal system below
international standards. Part of the act was an amendment that retroactively
rewrote the War Crimes Act,

effectively making policy makers, i.e., politicians and military leaders, and
those applying policy, i.e., Central Intelligence Agency interrogators

and US Army soldiers, no longer subject to legal prosecution under U.S. law for
what, before the amendment, was defined as a war crime,

such as torture. Because of that critics describe the MCA as an amnesty law for
crimes committed in the “War on Terror”.